Small Scandals Shout, Big Ones Whisper

Here’s the pattern.

When a BBC sting suggests a handful of immigration advisers may have been coaching false asylum claims, the reaction is swift and theatrical. Headlines, ministerial outrage, knowing nods from the usual suspects. It does not take long before some politicians and commentators start treating it less as a specific abuse to be investigated, and more as proof that the system itself is fundamentally compromised.

Now compare that with SLAPPs, strategic lawsuits against public participation. Here we have something not alleged but well established. Wealthy claimants using English courts to intimidate journalists, bury investigations, and price critics out of speaking. Not a marginal flaw, but a predictable consequence of how the system works if you have the money. The response has been limited and carefully scoped.

One might suspect that outrage in Britain is not driven by the scale of a problem, but by its usefulness.

The asylum story, if proven, is straightforward. It is misconduct. Regulators investigate, people are struck off, perhaps prosecuted. It is a bounded problem with a clear remedy.

SLAPPs are more corrosive. They do not break the rules, they exploit them. A letter before action, backed by the prospect of ruinous costs, is often enough. No judge, no verdict, just pressure. The law functioning as designed, but producing a result that looks a lot like censorship.

We have even seen a version of this play out in British politics. Arron Banks pursued a lengthy libel case against a journalist over reporting in the public interest. Whether or not one applies the formal SLAPP label, the effect was familiar. Years of litigation, vast cost exposure, and a clear signal to anyone else tempted to dig too closely.

And yet it is the asylum story that is inflated into a national scandal, while this sort of behaviour is treated as a technical legal dispute.

Why? Because one story fits a political narrative and the other does not. “Migrants gaming the system” travels well. “The legal system can be used by the rich to suppress scrutiny” is less convenient, particularly when some of those involved move in the same political circles.

So we get the usual distortion. A small, grubby corner of the asylum process is made to stand in for the whole. Meanwhile a systemic problem affecting public interest journalism is narrowed and delayed until it is barely visible.

No conspiracy required. Just incentives. Politicians chase votes. Newspapers chase clicks. Regulators move slowly unless pushed. And the law does what it is designed to do.

The Penny Post and the £1.80 Illusion

There is something wonderfully British about complaining that a first class stamp costs £1.80, as if the entire edifice of the nation is teetering because Auntie Mabel now requires a small mortgage to receive a birthday card.

The assumption, usually delivered with great confidence, is that this is modern decline in action. Things used to be cheap, sensible, properly run. Then along came whoever one happens to dislike this week and ruined the Royal Mail along with everything else.

Except the numbers refuse to cooperate.

The famous penny post, held up as a kind of golden age benchmark, was not the trivial sum it sounds like. A penny in 1840 was not something you found down the back of the sofa. It was a noticeable slice of weekly income. Depending on who you were, you were parting with something like half a percent of your weekly wage just to send a letter. Not ruinous, but not nothing either.

And when the penny post arrived, unless you were a landowner with half the county to manage, the chances were that everyone you knew lived within a few hundred yards of you anyway. Family, work, gossip, the lot. You could lean over a low wall and settle most matters without recourse to the Royal Mail. Which does raise the question of what exactly you were paying for. A bit of distance, perhaps. Or the chance to say something in writing that might feel awkward shouted across the lane.

Set against today’s £1.80, which works out at a similarly small slice of a weekly wage for many people, you start to see the problem. Postage has not obviously become extortionate. If anything, it has stayed in roughly the same territory, albeit with rather less certainty about when it will arrive.

What has changed is how it feels. You stand there with a thin envelope in your hand, stick £1.80 on it, and hesitate. Not because you cannot afford it, but because it feels faintly ridiculous.

Part of that is that we were quietly lulled into a false sense of security. For years stamps were so cheap they barely registered. You bought a book, stuck them on things without thinking, and carried on. At the same time courier services crept in and made sending anything vaguely parcel-shaped surprisingly cheap. It all gave the impression that sending things was, more or less, a solved and inexpensive problem.

You really notice it at Christmas. Thirty cards, easily, and you are into £54 before you have even found a pen that works. At that point the whole thing starts to feel slightly ceremonial. You picture half the list quietly dropping away over the next few years, replaced by the odd message and a thumbs up. No great decision, no announcement, just a gradual drift into not bothering.

There is, briefly, a moment where you try to outsmart it. Put the card in a small box, call it a parcel, send it by courier for roughly the same money and with tracking thrown in. In practice you pay about the same, spend longer doing it, and the thing turns up looking like a spare carburettor.

And then there is the small matter that “first class” no longer quite means what it used to. It is still described as next day, but in practice you find yourself allowing the better part of a week if it actually matters. Which rather takes the edge off paying a premium for speed.

That is not really about the price so much as the alternatives. In 1840, if you wanted to communicate beyond your immediate field of view, this was it. You paid your penny and waited. Now you can send a message instantly, anywhere, for nothing at all. The Victorians would have regarded that as witchcraft and then set up a committee to regulate it.

So the real shift is quite subtle. The actual cost has edged down a bit, but the perceived cost has shot up because it has moved from something you had to do to something you choose to do. You are no longer paying to communicate. You are paying for paper, ink, and a slightly ceremonial version of sending a message.

Which leaves us in the odd position of grumbling about a service that is, in real terms, in roughly the same bracket as when it was introduced, while quietly letting it fade out of everyday life.

Still, £1.80 does feel a touch steep when you are staring at a stack of Christmas cards, sighing, and sending most of them anyway.

The Mrs Merton Interview of Trump and Farage

There is something quietly devastating about the way Mrs Merton used to ask a question. No shouting, no grandstanding, no attempt to win the argument by volume. Just a polite smile, a slightly puzzled tone, and a question that sounded like a compliment until you realised it wasn’t.

You can’t help thinking she would have had a field day with Trump. Not because he’s uniquely absurd, though he does make a strong case, but because his entire persona relies on never quite being pinned down by an ordinary, well-aimed sentence. He thrives in the fog of his own claims. Mrs Merton specialised in quietly switching the lights on.

“Now then, Mr Trump, you’ve done very well for yourself, haven’t you, considering you started off with a small loan of several million dollars from your father?”

And there it is. No accusation. No raised eyebrow. Just a statement that forces the listener to do the arithmetic. You can almost see the gears turning as the compliment collapses under its own weight.

Then she’d move on, as if nothing much had happened.

“And when your businesses went bankrupt, was that part of the strategy, or more of a surprise?”

It’s the gentleness that does it. Anyone else asking that would sound hostile. She makes it sound like she’s checking the details for a parish newsletter.

Farage would fare no better, though he might think he would. He’s spent years cultivating the image of the bloke in the pub saying what everyone’s thinking, pint in hand, tie slightly loosened, voice full of common sense. It works rather well until someone asks him a question that sounds like it belongs in the same pub, but doesn’t quite land the way he expects.

“Now then, Nigel, you’ve been very successful at getting people to follow your advice, haven’t you. How disappointed were they when it turned out not to work as advertised?”

Again, no heat. Just that faint air of curiosity, as if she’s trying to understand how a perfectly reasonable plan produced a perfectly unreasonable outcome.

He might try to laugh it off, pivot, bring in Brussels, sovereignty, the usual greatest hits. But Mrs Merton never chased. She simply waited.

“And you’ve always said you’re on the side of ordinary working people. Do you think it helps that you’ve spent most of your career not having to rely on the consequences of your own policies?”

It’s almost kind. That’s the problem.

What both men rely on, in different ways, is motion. Constant motion. Statements, counter-statements, distractions, outrage, applause. The moment you slow it down and ask a simple question with a straight face, the whole thing starts to look a bit flimsy. Like a car that sounds impressive until someone opens the bonnet and asks where the engine actually is.

Mrs Merton’s genius was that she never tried to win the argument. She just removed the cushioning. No ideology, no counter-slogans, no attempt to outdo them at their own game. Just a question that quietly assumes the facts, and leaves the subject to wriggle against them.

You suspect both Trump and Farage would try to bluster through it. Trump would go big, as ever. Farage would go matey. Both would miss the point entirely.

Because the danger isn’t being attacked. They’re used to that. The danger is being understood.

And then politely asked to explain themselves.

Personal Responsibility, Served Cold

Reform’s answer to school food policy is “personal responsibility”. It sounds solid until you notice who is meant to be exercising it. Children, in a setting where the menu is fixed and the alternatives are limited or non existent. Schools decide what is served. For many pupils, particularly those on free school meals, that is the only option. There is no meaningful choice to take responsibility for.

Even where there is a choice, it is a rather artificial one. Put a child in front of something sweet, salty and immediately rewarding, and something plainer but nutritious, and the outcome is not a moral test. It is a predictable result of how people, especially children, are wired. Impulse wins. Calling that “personal responsibility” does not make it so, it just shifts the blame onto the child for behaving exactly as expected.

The government proposal starts from that reality and tries to improve what is actually put on the plate. You can argue about where the line should be drawn, but it at least recognises that outcomes are shaped by the system. Reform’s position sidesteps that entirely. It removes responsibility from the system and places it on individuals who cannot act on it.

There is also a basic inconsistency. Reform are not calling for schools to abandon rules in general. Behaviour, attendance and safeguarding are all tightly regulated, for obvious reasons. The idea that diet alone should be exempt suggests this is not a consistent principle about freedom, but a selective objection to this particular type of intervention.

And the consequences are not abstract. Diet in childhood is linked to obesity, long term health, and educational performance. Saying “they should choose better” does not alter that. It simply declines to engage with it.

In practice, nothing changes except the rhetoric. The menu stays as it is, the outcomes stay as they are, and the responsibility is reassigned to the one person in the room with the least control over any of it: the child standing in a lunch queue.

The Appetite Doesn’t Go Away

There’s a small civil war under way inside MAGA at the moment. Not the cinematic sort with marching bands and flags, more the online variety - factions arguing over who betrayed whom, whether things went too far or not nearly far enough, and who should carry the torch next. It looks, at first glance, like the sort of internal collapse that might signal the end of something.

It probably isn’t.

The comforting idea is that you lose Donald Trump and the whole thing unwinds with him, like pulling the wrong thread on a jumper. The trouble is, this was never really about him as an individual. It is about the appetite that produced him. And appetites, once acquired, rarely just vanish because the kitchen had a bad chef.

The interesting bit is how failure gets handled. You might think that a movement built on bold promises would, when those promises fail to turn up, pause and have a look at itself. Maybe admit, quietly, that it all got a bit overcooked. Instead, what you get is something much more familiar. It wasn’t wrong, it just wasn’t done properly.

We’ve seen this before. Brexit was sold as a sort of national reset button that would, rather conveniently, deliver sovereignty, prosperity, frictionless trade and tighter borders all at once. A fairly heroic list, given the constraints of geography and basic economics. When reality intruded, as it tends to do, the response wasn’t to question the premise but to question the execution. “Not the right Brexit.” “Not done properly.” One waits, still, for someone to explain what “properly” would actually have involved, beyond saying it with a bit more conviction.

It reminds me of those old cars where the owner insists the engine is fundamentally sound, despite the fact it won’t start on a damp Tuesday. The problem, you are told, is not the design or the worn components. It’s that it hasn’t been driven correctly. Quite how you’re meant to drive a non-running car is left hanging there.

Part of what’s going on here sits somewhere between biology and habit. The limbic system is very good at spotting threat, grievance and who’s on your side. It’s quick, it’s decisive, and it doesn’t hang about waiting for nuance. The prefrontal cortex is slower, fussier, and inclined to ask irritating questions about trade-offs and what happens next.

In a sensible world, the two keep each other in check. Lately, it doesn’t feel much like that. We now spend a fair chunk of the day flicking through short clips, little jolts of outrage or amusement, one after another. Nothing wrong with that in itself, but it does mean you get used to reacting quickly and moving on. There isn’t much room in that rhythm for sitting with something awkward and working it through.

At the same time, the other side of the brain gets a bit less of a workout. Fewer people sit down with a book and follow an argument from one end to the other, or keep half a dozen threads in their head long enough to see how they fit together. Do that less often, and it starts to feel like hard work. Not impossible, just a bit unnatural, like using a muscle you haven’t bothered with for a while.

The result is a kind of drift. The first explanation that feels right tends to stick, and after that the job becomes defending it. If reality gets in the way, as it has a habit of doing, the explanation doesn’t fall apart. It shifts a bit. It wasn’t wrong, it just wasn’t done properly.

Back to America, and the same thing clicks into place. If the promise was that a strongman would cut through the rot and restore order, then any failure can be blamed on not quite enough strength. Courts got in the way. Officials dragged their feet. Elections, inconveniently, produced the wrong answer. So the lesson, for some, isn’t that the idea itself might be off. It’s that it needs a firmer hand next time. Fewer constraints. More decisiveness. Less of this democratic clutter getting in the way.

You might hope that after all that, there would be a pause. A bit of a rethink. In the UK, outfits like Prosper are at least trying to sketch out something more grounded, something that looks a bit more like grown-up politics again. But it’s uphill work. There’s no great reappraisal under way, no quiet return to sober trade-offs and awkward realities. If anything, the incentive still runs the other way.

That’s the bit people tend not to dwell on. After a disappointment, things don’t usually drift back towards moderation. If anything, they edge the other way, towards someone a bit more organised, a bit less chaotic, and probably rather better at the authoritarian side of the brief.

Which makes all this talk about “the end of Trumpism” feel a touch optimistic. Remove the personality, and you haven’t removed the conditions that made him plausible in the first place. Economic frustration, cultural unease, a steady loss of trust in institutions. Add in a steady diet of quick hits, strong opinions, and not much time to think any of it through, and you’ve got something that isn’t going anywhere in a hurry.

So no, it probably doesn’t just fade away now the original salesman has been shown the door. It will look around for a replacement. And if the next one turns out to be a bit more competent about it, we may find ourselves looking back quite fondly on the damp Tuesday when nothing worked at all.

Capital is Mobilising

Get ready for a very long read.

I have been developing a little theory about modern politics. It began as the vague feeling that when one reads the news, the argument always seems to be taking place on the wrong floor of the building. Downstairs everyone is shouting about migrants and dinghies. Meanwhile upstairs, rather quietly, the real rearranging of furniture is going on with tax rules, regulation, media ownership and the movement of capital.

For much of the twentieth century British politics operated with a rough balance between organised labour and organised capital. Trade unions mobilised millions of voters and exercised real political influence, while business interests supplied investment and economic power. The arrangement was not elegant, but it functioned as a counterweight. From the end of the Second World War through the 1970s inequality narrowed and living standards rose rapidly. For ordinary households it produced the fastest sustained rise in living standards since the industrial revolution first pushed incomes off the flat line they had occupied for centuries.

But that prosperity produced an unexpected political consequence. Rising wages, expanding professional employment and widespread home ownership created a large new asset-owning middle class. People who had benefited from the post-war settlement now had houses, pensions and savings to protect. Once voters acquire assets, their political priorities often change. Concerns about inflation, taxation and economic stability begin to matter more than the collective institutions that helped produce the earlier prosperity.

In that sense the political shift of the 1980s did not come from nowhere. Margaret Thatcher did not simply impose a new settlement from above. She mobilised a coalition of voters whose economic position had been transformed by the post-war boom. Many professionals, homeowners and skilled workers had climbed the ladder that the earlier system built, and once they had done so they became more receptive to dismantling parts of it. In effect, a generation that had benefited from the ladder helped pull up the drawbridge behind it. I know this because it was my generation and my parents' generation.

From the 1980s onwards that equilibrium steadily eroded. Union membership declined sharply and political parties became professional campaign organisations rather than mass membership movements. As labour’s organisational power weakened, the political system did not become neutral. The space was filled by concentrated wealth and donor networks capable of funding parties, think tanks and campaign infrastructure on a scale that would once have been unusual.

This shift coincided with wider structural changes in the economy and the media system. Financial markets were liberalised, capital became far more mobile and media industries underwent waves of consolidation. The result was an environment in which large pools of private capital could exert greater influence over both economic policy and the channels through which political narratives reached the public.

At the same time the structure of the information system narrowed. Around eighty to ninety percent of national newspaper circulation is controlled by a small number of wealthy proprietors. The BBC still exists as a public counterweight, but it now operates in a permanently politicised environment where governments lean on it, newspapers attack it and senior appointments pass through political filters. The result is not a propaganda outlet but a cautious broadcaster aware that one perceived misstep can unleash a week of hostile headlines.

Meanwhile the economic foundations of journalism have been quietly eroded. Advertising migrated to digital platforms, local newspapers collapsed and national newsrooms shrank. Investigative reporting is expensive and slow, and it has been one of the first casualties. When fewer journalists are available to challenge claims and follow complicated stories, the political environment changes. It becomes easier for politicians to say almost anything and correct the record later, if at all.

The same tension is visible in debates about education. Some political movements now advocate a more “patriotic” national curriculum focused on national pride and identity. Teaching national history is not the problem. The revealing point is what tends to disappear. A curriculum centred on critical thinking trains citizens to question evidence and test political claims. One centred primarily on patriotic narratives trains them to absorb and repeat them. In an era that increasingly rewards simple stories over careful analysis, the distinction matters.

At the same time a different media culture has developed around what might be called client journalism. Some politicians now prefer outlets that repeat narratives sympathetically rather than journalists who interrogate them. When challenged, the response is often to attack the source rather than the claim. A poll becomes invalid because of who commissioned it. A journalist becomes biased for asking an awkward question.

This environment suits populist politics extremely well.

One of the most important discoveries made by modern insurgent movements is that winning power is not always necessary to reshape politics. Control of the agenda can be enough. If one issue dominates public attention, the rest of the political landscape recedes.

Immigration performs this function almost perfectly. Migration is a real policy issue, but it also produces vivid images and emotionally powerful narratives. Boats arriving on beaches create a story that can be repeated endlessly.

Once immigration dominates the political conversation, other subjects quietly retreat from view. Tax structures, regulatory frameworks, capital mobility, media ownership and donor influence begin to look like technical details compared with the daily theatre of borders and boats.

It is the political equivalent of everyone crowding downstairs to argue about the noise while the furniture upstairs is quietly being removed.

What is really happening is that three different political systems are operating at once. Cultural issues such as immigration supply the political energy. Donor economics supplies the policy agenda. And the modern media environment supplies the narrative infrastructure that allows the two to reinforce each other.

The deeper irony is that the same political ecosystem that obsesses over human mobility pays remarkably little attention to capital mobility. Immigration dominates political debate, yet the movement of wealth across borders rarely attracts sustained scrutiny. A billionaire relocating to Monaco for tax reasons can cost the Treasury far more revenue than thousands of migrants entering the labour market. Yet one produces months of headlines while the other is treated as a sensible financial decision.

In some cases the contradiction is almost comic. People who denounce migrants for crossing borders in search of opportunity will enthusiastically defend a billionaire doing exactly the same thing for tax reasons. Cultural rhetoric about immigration mobilises voters so effectively that it obscures far larger economic decisions being made elsewhere.

At the same time new forms of financial power have entered politics. Parts of the populist right have developed close relationships with cryptocurrency entrepreneurs and technology billionaires who see themselves as outsiders to the traditional political establishment. Wealth from these sectors increasingly funds media platforms, campaign organisations and political movements.

Alongside this sits a growing network of think tanks and advocacy groups shaping policy debates from outside formal party structures.

The modern right itself is not a single ideological project. Populist mobilisation around immigration now sits uneasily alongside more traditional centre-right economic thinking, a tension illustrated by initiatives such as Prosper, which seek to pull Conservative politics back toward a more conventional pro-business centre-right position.

Meanwhile other powerful interests have long understood the value of narrative control. Fossil fuel companies have spent decades funding lobbying, think tanks and media campaigns aimed at delaying climate policy. The strategy has shifted over time from outright denial to economic alarmism, framing climate action as a threat to jobs, growth or household bills. Delay becomes extremely valuable if your business model depends on selling fossil fuels.

This creates a comfortable position for political movements that operate primarily through agenda setting rather than governance. They can dominate headlines and mobilise supporters without demonstrating how their promises would survive contact with reality.

Governments operate under constraints that opposition movements rarely acknowledge. Laws exist. Courts intervene. Budgets impose limits. Bureaucracies move slowly. The populist narrative assumes that political will alone can sweep these obstacles aside.

In practice it cannot.

The moment an insurgent movement actually holds power, the gap becomes visible. Rhetoric collides with institutions and promises encounter fiscal arithmetic. Donald Trump’s war with Iran illustrates the problem in real time. What began as decisive campaign rhetoric has turned into the sort of complex regional conflict governments always discover once the missiles start flying.

Which brings me to a personal suspicion about Nigel Farage. I increasingly suspect that he understands this dynamic perfectly well. The optimal position for a populist insurgent may not be inside government at all. It may be just outside the door, close enough to influence the agenda but far enough away to avoid responsibility.

From that vantage point the insurgent can steadily pull the political centre of gravity in a particular direction. Mainstream parties adjust their rhetoric to compete and gradually the entire conversation shifts.

The insurgent wins without governing.

The consequences eventually show up in everyday life. Deregulation leads to rivers filled with sewage because dumping waste becomes cheaper than fixing infrastructure. Tax cuts without replacement revenue hollow out public services until hospitals, courts and councils struggle to function. Delaying Net Zero leaves economies dependent on fossil fuel markets and therefore hostage to geopolitical shocks.

Foreign policy decisions have consequences too. Wars destroy infrastructure, destabilise regions and displace populations. Most of the world’s refugees come from a relatively small number of conflicts in places such as Syria, Afghanistan, Sudan and Ukraine. The vast majority remain in neighbouring countries, but the pressures created by those conflicts inevitably ripple outward and eventually reach Europe.

In other words, some of the same political forces that promise to stop migration can end up helping to create the conditions that drive it.

And while the argument downstairs continues about migrants and borders, the furniture upstairs continues to move quietly out of the window.

By the time anyone notices, the removal van will already be halfway down the road, with a surprising number of voters still arguing about the dinghy.

An Arch in Search of Something to Celebrate

I dug out Peter York’s Dictator Style: Lifestyles of the World's Most Colorful Despots the other day. Probably shouldn’t have. It’s one of those things that seems harmless enough until you start noticing it everywhere, and then you can’t really stop. York’s point, more or less, is that powerful men all think they’re expressing themselves, and somehow all end up buying from the same catalogue.

Which is how you end up looking at Donald Trump’s proposed triumphal arch and being told it’s to mark 250 years of American independence. And yes, fine, 250 years is worth marking. No argument there. It just doesn’t obviously call for quite so much… stone.

The arch doesn’t really sit on its own either. It turns up alongside the White House ballroom idea, all chandeliers and gilt and that slightly breathless feeling that if something’s worth doing it’s worth overdoing. You start to get the sense this isn’t a one-off, it’s more of a direction of travel. Once you’ve decided gold works, you tend to keep going back to it.

The awkward bit is the arch itself. It’s not a neutral form you can use for anything, like a statue or a plaque. It comes pre-loaded. The Romans didn’t build them because it had been a good 250 years. They built them because they’d just beaten someone and wanted to make sure nobody forgot. You marched through it, job done, story fixed in stone.

So when you borrow that shape, you borrow the voice as well. You’re not just marking time passing, you’re announcing a win. Loudly. It feels a bit like the car that’s been back to the garage three times and still isn’t quite right. It runs, but you wouldn’t build a monument to it.

None of that means you don’t celebrate 250 years. It just makes the tone feel off. Like turning up to an anniversary dinner in full military dress, only to find the dining room has been refitted in gold leaf while you were parking. You can’t say no one’s made an effort, but you do start wondering who it’s actually for.

And this is where it gets slightly more interesting, because there’s a bit of psychology lurking behind the taste. Call it narcissism if you like, but not in the pub sense. It’s the need to have importance made visible, just in case anyone was in danger of missing it. A plaque can be overlooked. A 250-foot arch rather less so. Add a ballroom full of chandeliers and you’ve covered the indoor market as well.

Timing doesn’t help. These things usually appear when everything feels settled, when alliances are solid and you don’t have to keep checking who’s still on side. At the moment it feels a bit more like everyone’s quietly doing the maths and keeping a few options open. Not collapse, nothing dramatic, just not quite the relaxed centre-of-the-room feeling you’d expect for this sort of architectural confidence.

Which is where York’s point comes back in. If the reality’s a bit messy, tidy up the signal. Make it big enough and shiny enough that it carries the message on its own. No need to get into the detail if you can just build something that says “important” from a distance.

You can picture how it got there. Someone suggests doing something for the anniversary. Perfectly sensible. Then it needs to be noticed. Then it needs to be significant. Then someone says it needs to be really significant. By the time the lions and eagles have turned up, along with another layer of chandelier somewhere else, the original idea has quietly left the room.

Washington hasn’t usually gone in for this. The existing monuments are serious but they don’t nag. Lincoln sits there and lets you get on with it. The Washington Monument just stands there, not trying to sell itself. They assume you’ll work it out.

This one doesn’t really leave you that option. It does the working out for you, in fairly large letters, and then adds a bit more just to be safe. It may never get built. There are committees for that sort of thing, and budgets, and the odd outbreak of common sense.

Still, if nothing else, it does solve the problem of how to mark 250 years. Not by explaining it, or reflecting on it, but by making sure you can see it from a long way off.

The Photographs History Forgot

Every so often a photograph surfaces that makes modern viewers sit up and blink. One of those shows cadets from the Britannia Brigade at Dartmouth standing alongside members of the Hitler Youth in 1936. It looks astonishing now. Future Royal Navy officers smiling politely beside boys in brown shirts.

I am 71 and, until a television documentary the other night, I had never heard of these exchanges at all. Which in itself is interesting. One would think such an image would have lodged somewhere in the national memory, yet apparently not.

Cue the inevitable modern reaction. Someone posts the photograph online and within minutes a few confident voices declare that this proves Britain was secretly rather fond of the Nazis. The photograph becomes Exhibit A in a tidy moral drama.

Except that is not what it shows.

The first thing to remember is that 1936 was a very different moment. Hitler had been in power only three years. The worst horrors of the regime were still largely hidden from the outside world. Diplomacy had not yet collapsed. Britain had just signed the Anglo German Naval Agreement the year before. The basic idea, misguided as it proved, was to keep Germany inside the tent rather than outside it kicking the furniture.

So youth exchanges happened. Military academies visited one another. Sports teams travelled abroad. It all sat inside the rather hopeful belief that if nations kept talking, marching and playing football together they might avoid repeating 1914.

From our vantage point the images look painfully naive. Within three years those cadets would be junior officers in the Royal Navy fighting the very regime whose youth organisation they had politely paraded beside. History has a habit of doing that. It makes yesterday's ordinary behaviour look absurdly innocent once tomorrow arrives.

What fascinates me is how these photographs are used today. They tend to be waved around as if they prove some hidden sympathy for Nazism in Britain. That tells you more about modern political habits than about the 1930s. People like tidy moral stories where everyone either knew exactly what was coming or secretly approved of it.

Real history is rarely that tidy.

In reality the picture simply captures a moment when Britain and much of Europe still hoped Germany could be handled through diplomacy and normal contact. They were wrong, catastrophically wrong, but they were not collaborating with Nazism. They were trying to avoid another continental war only eighteen years after the last one had ended.

Which, given what eventually happened in 1939, makes the photograph less scandalous and more quietly tragic. Those polite boys on both sides would soon be on opposite sides of a war that would kill tens of millions. And somewhere in a Dartmouth photo album there is probably still a neatly labelled page that reads something like "Visit to Germany, summer 1936".

Speaking for Everyone From a Safe Distance

I heard a British Iranian on the radio the other day, calling into a phone-in, very calm, very sure of herself, explaining that the bombing should continue. Not as a grim last resort, but more as if it were simply the next sensible step. Then she added that all expat Iranians agreed with her and welcomed what Trump was doing.

That was about the point where I stopped following the argument and started noticing the framing.

“All expat Iranians”. It sounds convincing if you don’t stop to think about it. As if someone has gone round, asked the question, and tallied the results. In reality it just nudges the awkward bits out of view. Which expats. Who disagrees. Who exactly is being spoken for.

Because the reality is not tidy. The Iranian diaspora is not a bloc, it’s a spread. Monarchists who would quite like to wind the clock back. Republicans who want something entirely different. Secular liberals, left-leaning groups, people who still support the regime, and plenty who have no interest in any grand project and are simply trying to keep track of family. They don’t agree on the destination, never mind the route.

And in fact, over the past few days, you could hear that plainly enough if you listened. Plenty of British Iranians have been calling into the same sort of programmes saying the opposite - that it’s a disaster for ordinary Iranians, that it will make things worse, that Trump shows little interest in what happens to the people on the receiving end of it. Not a unified chorus, but certainly not silence either.

I did find myself wondering who she had actually spoken to, if anyone. Or whether this was one of those private consensus exercises where the dissent never quite gets invited.

None of that, on its own, is especially troubling. People generalise all the time, especially on the radio. It’s a phone-in, not a policy seminar.

What caught slightly was the ease with which “the bombing should continue” was said from here.

Living here does have its advantages. You can speak plainly, you’re not filtering yourself, and you’re not trying to piece together events from patchy information or wondering if the connection will drop. You can say the regime is oppressive and should go, which plenty inside Iran would agree with if they could say it safely.

But it does shift the feel of what you’re saying.

Saying “keep going” from a call-in line in Britain is not quite the same thing as saying it from a flat where the windows have already been taped up and there’s a bag by the door in case you need to leave quickly. The words are identical, but they don’t carry the same consequences. One is a view. The other is a judgement call you may have to live with the same afternoon.

War, at a distance, tends to arrange itself into something more orderly than it really is. It becomes about pressure, leverage, what comes next. On the ground it’s more immediate. Is there fuel. Is the road still open. Do you go now or wait and see if it settles. That sort of calculation.

None of this makes her position mad. There are Iranians, both inside the country and outside it, who think the regime won’t shift without force, and you can see how they arrive there.

But moving from that to “we all agree” does something else. It smooths over the disagreement and, with it, the uncertainty about how this plays out. It quietly drops the people who are less keen on being on the receiving end of it.

I found myself thinking about the call afterwards, not because it was unusual, but because it wasn’t. You hear that kind of certainty quite a lot once you start listening for it.

And meanwhile, somewhere else, someone is deciding whether to stay put for another night or get in the car before dark, which doesn’t feel like the sort of thing that lends itself to neat agreement.

5kW of Electricity, Please, in a Jerry Can

I had one of those small adventures the other day that reminds you why the internal combustion engine has not quite packed its bags and shuffled off into the museum just yet.

A colleague and I were dispatched to BCA Bridgewater to collect two vehicles. He drew the Land Rover Evoque. I drew the Nissan Leaf. The Evoque had a quarter of a tank of diesel. The Leaf, proudly, declared that it had 77 miles remaining. Our journey back was under forty miles. Even by modern standards that seemed a comfortable margin.

Two miles later the Leaf had clearly changed its mind.

By the time I reached the M5 the miles remaining were disappearing like biscuits in a meeting room. Heating off. Eco mode on. I settled into a stately 55 mph, the automotive equivalent of walking gently across thin ice while pretending everything is perfectly normal.

The situation deteriorated steadily. Every slight incline shaved miles off the prediction. The car began to look at me in the accusatory way computers do when they know they are about to ruin your afternoon.

Then the phone rang.

My colleague had broken down at Junction 16. The Evoque had stopped and now sounded, in his words, like a bag of nuts. So I peeled off the motorway and went to investigate, clutching the jump pack I keep in my rucksack when collecting auction cars. The jump pack revived the Evoque well enough, although the engine continued to sound as though several internal components had recently resigned.

Before I performed the roadside mechanical triage, the Leaf's remaining range dropped to three miles. Three. Then something curious happened. When I got back into the car the display now said 15 miles remaining. Apparently the electrons had been having a little lie down while I was helping the Land Rover. Happy days, I thought.

My happiness was, of course, premature. By the time I reached Tytherington the display was on zero miles remaining with five miles still to go. At this point I was driving downhill slopes using the e-Pedal like a Victorian miser shaking coins out of the upholstery. Every hill became a negotiation. Every mile felt like a personal insult.

Miraculously, I made it back to base.

The whole episode did rather underline the practical difference between the old world and the new one. If you run out of petrol or diesel, you can at least walk to a filling station, buy a can, and return with five litres of hope. With an EV, once the numbers start going theatrical, you are reduced to prayer, light throttle inputs and a growing intimacy with the topography of South Gloucestershire.

I am sure electric motoring has its place. Quiet, smooth, efficient, very worthy. But auction collections, unexpected detours and a colleague stranded on the hard shoulder in a dying Evoque are perhaps not its natural habitat. There is something faintly absurd about living in an age of astonishing technology, only to discover that what you really need is the electrical equivalent of a man in a layby selling emergency watts out of a can.

As an aside, I subsequently went to BCA Enfield and collected an electric VW ID3 with 176 miles remaining for a 136 mile journey. Made it with 12 miles remaining, after having driven for about 30 minutes at 55 MPH on the M4 to conserve energy.